Multiple discrimination at work and depressive symptoms in young adults
In depth9:04CCAI
paperi.ai
0:00 / 0:00
Tobias Weinmann, Britta Herbig, Felix Forster, Laura Wengenroth, Dennis Nowak, Christian Vogelberg, Katja Radon
What happens when workplace discrimination is not a single experience, but several at once? In this study of young adults, multiple types of discrimination were linked with substantially higher odds of depressive symptoms.
Background We aimed to estimate the implications of cumulative exposure to discrimination at work for mental health among young adults. Our specific objective was to investigate if experiencing multiple types of discrimination at work is associated with depressive symptoms. Methods We analyzed cross-sectional questionnaire data from 1066 participants (56.8% female, mean age 31.3 years) of the third phase of the German Study on Occupational Allergy Risks (2017–2018, response 47.3%). Participants were asked whether during the last twelve months they had experienced one or more of seven types of discrimination at their workplace. The Patient Health Questionnaire-2 (PHQ-2) was used for screening of symptoms of depression. We performed multivariate logistic regression to estimate the association between the number of experienced types of discrimination at work and depressive symptoms. Results Discrimination due to sex was the most often reported type (6.1% of participants). Experience of two or more forms of discrimination was indicated by 2.5% of the participants. One hundred four individuals (9.8%) were screened positive for depression. Before adjustment for work stress, individuals reporting two or more types of discrimination at work had more than six times the odds of depressive symptoms compared to the non-exposed reference group (Odds Ratio (OR): 6.31, 95% Confidence Interval (CI): 2.67 to 14.89). After adjustment for work stress, the OR for the association between two or more types of discrimination and depressive symptoms was 3.92 (95% CI: 1.40 to 11.01). Conclusion Our results support the hypothesis of an association between exposure to multiple discrimination at work and poor mental health, even though our effect estimates suffer from low statistical precision. Furthermore, the design of our analysis does not permit causal statements. In view of the entire scientific body of studies in the field, we argue that measures to reduce or abolish discrimination may be seen as important means of protecting mental health and well-being.
Transcript
What happens when workplace discrimination is not a single experience, but several at once? In this study of young adults, multiple types of discrimination were linked with substantially higher odds of depressive symptoms. Discrimination is defined as the unequal treatment of individuals because of membership in stigmatized or marginalized groups, for example based on race or gender, and it is a major social determinant of health.
Studies have found consistent associations between exposure to discrimination and a wide range of mental disorders, including depression or anxiety, as well as physical diseases such as hypertension or obesity. Even though work-related factors are increasingly recognized as key social determinants of health, the body of studies on the mental health consequences of discrimination at the workplace is still rather small.
Existing studies mostly assessed discrimination generally without identifying its specific type, or concentrated on one type, such as discrimination based on ethnicity, age, or gender. A study of psychosocial working conditions, including exposure to discrimination, did not account for the number of reported types of discrimination in its analyses.
The study hypothesizes that experiencing discrimination on multiple grounds, such as age, gender, and sexual orientation, represents a form of cumulative exposure that warrants closer study. An accumulation of stressors in the form of multiple discrimination may inflict repeated hits on the individual, accelerating the shift from allostatic load to overload and triggering systemic dysregulation.
Cumulative or additive exposure to various types of discrimination might also help investigate a potential dose-response relationship between workplace discrimination and mental impairment. Apart from isolated examples, there seems to be very little research on multidimensional workplace discrimination in relation to mental health, and younger adults have been somewhat neglected.
The analysis used cross-sectional data from the third phase of the Study on Occupational Allergy Risks, or SOLAR three, conducted in Dresden and Munich, Germany, with a response of forty-seven point three percent. SOLAR three was the latest follow-up, carried out in twenty seventeen to twenty eighteen, and its questionnaire collected information on sociodemographic variables, job history, occupational and environmental exposures, diseases, and mental health.
The analysis included SOLAR three participants who reported some form of employment, including internships, in the previous twelve months, giving a sample of one thousand sixty-six people. Because discrimination at work and mental health were not collected before SOLAR three, longitudinal analyses could not be performed.
For each participant, the study calculated a score according to the reported number of types of discrimination. For example, someone reporting discrimination based on age, religion, and disability was classified into three types of discrimination. Individuals reporting no experience of any of the seven forms of discrimination were categorized as non-exposed, or zero types of discrimination.
Because relatively few individuals reported multiple types, the analysis used three categories: zero, one, or two or more types of discrimination. The analysis used logistic regression, with the number of experienced discrimination types—zero, one, or two or more—as the predictor and depressive symptoms, yes versus no, as the outcome.
The models included sex, study center, educational achievement, current form of occupation, and work stress as potential confounders. Work stress was included as a proxy for other psychosocial exposures at work, but because it may lie on the causal pathway, an additional model omitted work-stress adjustment.
All models calculated odds ratios with ninety-five percent confidence intervals, using zero types of experienced discrimination as the reference category. The participants had a mean age of thirty-one point three years; fifty-six point eight percent were women, and ninety-seven point five percent were born in Germany.
Discrimination because of sex was the most reported type during the previous twelve months, at six point one percent; among women, sex-related discrimination was nine point two percent. Eighty-eight point seven percent reported no exposure to any type of discrimination, while twenty-six participants, or two point five percent, reported two or more types in the last year.
One hundred four individuals, or nine point eight percent, screened positive for depression on the PHQ-2. Without adjustment for work stress, individuals reporting two or more types of discrimination had more than six times the odds of depressive symptoms compared with the non-exposed reference group.
The odds ratio was six point three one, with a ninety-five percent confidence interval from two point six seven to fourteen point eight nine. Exposure to one type of discrimination was also associated with a positive depression screening, with an odds ratio of two point seven four and a ninety-five percent confidence interval from one point three eight to five point four six.
Looking across the adjustment variables, the confidence intervals for sex, study center, and occupation include one, while the interval for educational attainment does not. The table also shows that the discrimination estimates are accompanied by wider intervals as exposure increases, especially for the two-or-more category.
After adjustment for work stress, participants reporting two or more types of discrimination had almost four times the odds of depressive symptoms compared with individuals who had experienced no discrimination. The adjusted odds ratio was three point nine two, with a ninety-five percent confidence interval from one point four zero to eleven point zero one.
The association for one type of discrimination attenuated after adjustment for work stress, with an odds ratio of one point eight two and a ninety-five percent confidence interval from zero point eight six to three point eight two. An increase in the work-stress score by one point was associated with an increase in the odds of depressive symptoms, with an odds ratio of one point one two and a ninety-five percent confidence interval from one point zero nine to one point one four.
Looking down the odds-ratio column, the discrimination categories are clearly separated from their reference row, while the confidence-interval column shows substantial uncertainty around those estimates. The table also reports adjustment variables, with no-university-degree participants at one point eight one and formally employed participants at one point four six relative to their respective reference categories.
The analysis estimated the implications of multidimensional discrimination at work for the mental health of affected individuals. It analyzed cross-sectional data from one thousand sixty-six young adults living in Germany. Participants reporting multiple types of discrimination at work had elevated odds of depressive symptoms compared with peers without exposure to discrimination.
The result supports an association between multidimensional workplace discrimination and reduced mental health and well-being, although the effect estimates have low statistical precision and some uncertainty. The study population had limited representativeness for the entire German population: the mean age was thirty-one years, ninety-seven percent were born in Germany, and more than half held a university degree, compared with thirty-seven percent in the German general population.
This homogeneity was also the most likely explanation for hardly any reports of discrimination based on age, ethnicity, or religion in the dataset. The prevalence of workplace discrimination reported by these participants should therefore not be mistaken as representative for the entire workforce in Germany.
In young adults living in Germany, participants reporting multiple types of discrimination at work had elevated odds of a positive depressive-symptoms screening compared with counterparts who did not report exposure to workplace discrimination. Among young adults in Germany, multiple workplace discrimination was associated with elevated odds of depressive symptoms, even after adjusting for work stress.
But the cross-sectional design and limited precision mean this is an association, not proof of causation.
A derivative work by Paperi · AI-generated script, voice and captions
· pages and figures unaltered
Made with Paperi.
Drop in a research PDF — get a narrated video walkthrough like this one,
with highlights that follow the narration. Free to start.
When someone dies without stable housing, the death may be hard to explain, not because nothing happened, but because the evidence needed to tell the story is often missing.In Milan, nearly six out of ten autopsied deaths among people experiencing homelessness had no definitive cause. The striking part is that limited post-mortem testing may be helping hide what happened.
Heechan Lee, Niccoló Loret, Sara Antignani, F. Bochicchio, David B. Richardson
Staying indoors and turning up the air conditioning can protect people from heat. But this study suggests those same choices may quietly increase exposure to radon, a gas linked to lung cancer.Staying cool during a warming climate sounds protective, but this paper identifies a hidden tradeoff: more air conditioning, more indoor time, and more time in lower floors could increase radon exposure and lung cancer risk.
Dawn J. Sowers, Savanna Brittlebank, Krista M. Wilkinson
For a child who cannot reliably speak or point, the hardest part may not be finding words. It may be finding a way to select them, and research shows that the right access method can change communication itself.AAC can support communication across very different abilities, but the way a child accesses a system may determine whether the technology actually opens meaningful participation. This review shows both how far the field has moved and how much evidence is still missing.